School Choice Is Winning—But Universality Is the Real Test
New report from EdChoice shows why “all students, all money, all options” must be the next step
Hi Friends!
For a generation, education policy treated families as inputs into a system rather than customers with real choices. That model is finally breaking—and the data confirm it.
The newly released 2026 ABCs of School Choice from EdChoice is the most comprehensive, data-rich inventory of private school choice programs in the country.
After 25 years, the report makes one thing clear: school choice is no longer a theory.
It’s an operating reality in much of America.
But the numbers also reveal a harder truth. While choice has expanded rapidly, only a handful of states have embraced truly universal programs—and partial reforms still leave millions of students behind.
The National Picture: Choice Is Growing Fast
According to EdChoice’s full 2026 report:
More than 75 private school choice programs now operate nationwide, including ESAs, vouchers, and tax-credit scholarships.
Over 1.3 million students participate in these programs, a figure that has more than doubled in the past five years.
Nearly half of all states now offer at least one program with broad or universal eligibility.
This growth isn’t driven by ideology—it’s driven by parents. Enrollment surged after pandemic-era school closures exposed how little control families actually had over their children’s education.
EdChoice evaluates programs using three pillars of universality:
All students: Who is eligible?
All options: How can funds be used cut different schooling options?
All money: How are programs funded compared with traditional government/public schools?
States that score well on all three see the strongest uptake in school choice and the greatest innovation to help improve outcomes.
State Snapshots: What the Data Show
Florida remains the national leader. Its combined school choice programs now serve more than 500,000 students, making it the largest private school choice system in the country. Eligibility is nearly universal, funds can be used for tuition, tutoring, online learning, and therapies, and per-student funding is around $8,000-$10,000 in many cases. Florida proves that scale and flexibility matter.
Texas made a historic move by passing a statewide ESA program in 2025, but the data show why it’s still a major work in progress. Texas educates over 5.5 million government/public school students and there are about 800,000 students outside of public schools, yet initial ESA participation is capped well below 100,000. Funding of $1 billion per year, mostly $10,000 per ESA, is also significantly below average public school per-pupil spending, which exceeds $18,000. Progress is important—but universality remains unfinished business in the Lone Star State.
Louisiana offers several choice programs, including ESAs and vouchers, but participation remains limited. Fewer than 10% of K-12 students are eligible, and funding levels are often constrained by program design and administrative complexity. Louisiana illustrates how cautious policy design can blunt the impact of choice.
Kansas relies primarily on tax-credit scholarships. While helpful for participating families, these programs reach only a small share of students—well under 5% of the K-12 population—and impose tight eligibility and use restrictions. The result is choice in name, not in scale.
Then there are the outliers.
California and New York—home to more than 12 million students combined—offer virtually no meaningful private school choice. Despite spending over $20,000 per pupil in many school districts, both states post persistent achievement gaps and declining enrollment. Families with means still choose private options or relocate. Everyone else is locked in.
That’s not equity. That’s monopoly.
Why Universal ESAs Outperform Partial Reforms
The ABCs data consistently show that universal education savings accounts outperform narrow programs on participation, innovation, and parent satisfaction.
Universal ESAs work because they:
remove income and enrollment caps that suppress demand
allow funds to be used across a wide range of education services
attract new providers and models, increasing competition
reduce administrative friction that deters families
In states with universal or near-universal eligibility, participation rates are two to three times higher than in states with narrowly targeted programs. That’s not accidental—it’s economics.
When funding follows students, systems adapt.
The Economic Case for Universality
Education is no different from other sectors. When consumers control resources, quality improves, and costs stabilize. When institutions control resources, inefficiency grows.
Public schools already operate with near-universal funding. The question today is not whether government should fund education—it already does, though that should ultimately be the future focus. The question today is whether families are trusted to direct those dollars for their kids.
EdChoice’s data reinforce a simple principle: choice without universality is rationing. Universality turns choice into a system.
The Road Ahead
School choice has crossed the point of no return. Parents want it. States are adopting it. Results are visible. But the next phase matters most.
States like Florida show what’s possible. States like Texas can lead if they finish the job. States like Louisiana and Kansas can expand impact by simplifying and broadening access. And states like California and New York will eventually face a reckoning as families continue to vote with their feet.
If lawmakers want better outcomes, real accountability, and innovation that meets students where they are, the solution isn’t more regulation—it’s all students, all money, all options. Of course, this could also be done by privatizing schools and eliminating the taxes that fund them, so parents can choose where to send their kids. Keep dreaming bigger!
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I notice NH has adopted school choice. I lived there until 1/2023. I ran the numbers on per student apportionment relative to tuition at private schools. I threw the Exeters and their ilk out of the sample because they are outliers. Done properly, NH could wind up with less budgetary strain were they to adopt choice on a broad scale, as many alternatives are lower cost than the per student apportionment (or they were in 2021 when I examined the issue). I don’t like the TX model as it doesn’t go far enough, seems to be a disincentive to those parents who have already opted for going outside the public school system. It seems the program cannot possibly meet actual demand.